What is wrong with sending roses, whoever they are..

Tear gas scatters Malaysian 'flower power' protest

Reuters (16/2/2008): Malaysian police used water cannon and tear gas on Saturday to break up an anti-government protest by ethnic Indians carrying roses to symbolise a peaceful demand for justice.

With the Malaysian government concerned about street protests in the run-up to early general elections on March 8, around 100 policemen, including riot police with helmets and shields, turned out to disperse a gathering of about 300 men, women and children.

Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's ruling coalition is widely expected to retain power at the polls, although with a reduced majority, but many Indians accuse his multi-racial coalition, dominated by ethnic Malays, of racial discrimination.

The Hindu Rights Action Force (Hinraf) first announced the protest in January as a way to press its demand for the release of five of its leaders jailed under tough internal security laws.

The Malaysian government detained the men without trial soon after more than 10,000 ethnic Indians marched in the capital last November to complain about a lack of job and education opportunities, in response to a call from the group.

"I want the five to be released," said Parvathy Raman, a 30-year-old accounts executive from Kuala Lumpur, who joined the protest. "I want the government to hear our problems. Everyone knows there is discrimination, but the government denies it."

Children as young as 10 were among the demonstrators at Saturday's protest, where some people carried yellow and red roses, while chanting slogans such as "We love Badawi". Others wore orange T-shirts printed with the slogan "People Power".

The protesters aimed to march to the Malaysian parliament to give the roses to Abdullah, but were halted by police a short distance away after being refused a permit to assemble in public.

The red roses symbolised love and peace, while the yellow roses symbolised the group's demand for justice and the release of the jailed men, Hindraf said.

"We want our rights and justice," said one demonstrator, Tamilarasu, 21, a casual labourer at a golf resort who rode a bus for several hours from his home on the northern island of Penang to attend the protest in the capital. "We're not happy with the government."

Police helicopters hovered overhead as protesters waved the Malaysian flag, portraits of the Malaysian king, and orange banners that read, "We want our rights, No to the Internal Security Act".

Protesters defied police orders to disperse, but scattered when sprayed with tear gas and water laced with chemicals.

"Police were too rough," said S. Manikavasagam, a spokesman for the ethnic Indian group that organised the protest. "They used their power."

He said police had arrested 20 protesters, but police officials at the site could not confirm the figure.

Malaysia police fire teargas at flower protest: witnesses

AFP (16/2/2008): Malaysian police Saturday fired teargas and water cannons to disperse ethnic Indians clutching flowers and gathered in the capital, in the latest crackdown on public protests, witnesses said.

Some 300 people defied a police ban and attempted to gather in Independence Square in downtown Kuala Lumpur to protest alleged discrimination, before police moved in, an AFP correspondent witnessed.

"It is an embarrassing attack on the Indian community and on people who just wanted to hand over flowers to the prime minister," said R. Thanenthiran, one of the rally organisers.

The flower protest is the latest in a series of demonstrations in recent that have rocked the multicultural nation, which is now gearing up for general elections on March 8.

More than 20 people were detained, police said, after supporters of Indian rights group Hindraf turned up near Dataran Merdeka or Independence Square. Police had earlier refused a permit for the gathering.

Indian youths dressed in saffron coloured t-shirts with the Tamil words "Makkal Sakti", or People's Power, chanted slogans calling for justice and an end to alleged discrimination against ethnic Indians in the country.

More than 200 police approached the crowd before spraying them with water cannons and firing tear gas shells above their heads, the AFP correspondent witnessed.

"We wanted to have 200 children also peacefully give Abdullah flowers but we were tear-gassed and water-cannoned by police," Thanenthiran said, referring to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Thanenthiran said organisers decided it was unsafe for the children to take part in the protest and they were bused away from the scene.

"We came with a gesture of peace and love and the Malaysian government did not have the courage to accept the roses," Hindraf chairman P. Waythamoorthy told AFP. Prime minister Abdullah had not indicated before the protest that he would accept the flowers.

The protest comes after the detention of five Hindraf leaders who enraged the government in November by leading a mass rally protesting alleged discrimination against minority Indians.

The protest highlighted the grievances of Malaysia's Indians -- descendents of labourers brought over by British colonial rulers in the 1800s -- who say they are marginalised in terms of education, wealth and opportunities.

Abdullah has said that street protests and anger within the Indian community could have an impact on how the government fares in the general elections.

Abdullah is head of the United Malays National Organisation-led coalition government of race-based parties that have ruled Malaysia since it gained its independence from British rule in 1957.

Although Abdullah's party is expected to win the March election, analysts say a slew of issues including rising prices, corruption and religious as well as racial tensions could cut the government's majority in parliament.

Ethnic Indians make up 7 percent of Malaysia's 27 million population with Malay Muslims forming 60 percent and ethnic Chinese at 26 percent.

Malaysian police break up protest

BBC (16/2/2008): Malaysian security forces have used tear gas and water cannon to break up a protest by ethnic Indians in the capital, Kuala Lumpur.

More than 20 people taking part in the banned march were detained by police.

The demonstration was organised by the Hindu Rights Action Force, which is demanding the release from jail of five of its leaders.

Activists say policies granting economic advantages to the ethnic Malay majority discriminate against Indians.

The Malaysia government has rejected claims of unequal treatment.

Detention without trial

Some 2000 protesters defied a ban on public gatherings, and carried roses to symbolise what they said was a peaceful demand for justice.

A heavy police presence kept them in the city centre - preventing their planned march to parliament to give the flowers to the Prime Minister, Abdullah Badawi.

The protest was meant to be led by a group of about 200 children. There were no reports of any children being injured.

Police used water canons thought to be laced with chemicals and tear gas to disperse the crowd.

The group behind the demonstration has become increasingly effective at rattling the government, says the BBC's Robin Brant in Kuala Lumpur.

It was behind a large demonstration on the streets of the capital last November which saw 10,000 people gather.

That rally exposed increasing unhappiness among some of Malaysia's minority Indians who feel they have fallen behind after decades of government policy which gives preferential treatment to the majority Malays, our correspondent says.

Five rights activists were arrested at that rally - the biggest protest involving ethnic Indians in more than a decade.

They are being held under a rarely used security law that allows indefinite detention without trial.

Hindu protest broken up in Malaysia

Al Jazeera (16/2/2008): In the run up to elections any gathering of more than four people requires a police

Police in the Malaysian capital, Kuala Lumpur have used tear gas and chemical-laced water to break up an anti-government protest by ethnic Indians demanding racial equality.

On Saturday about 300 men, women and children were dispersed by about 100 policemen, including riot police with helmets and shields.

"Police were too rough" said S Manikavasagam, a spokesman for the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), the ethnic indian group that organised the protest.

"They used their power," he said.

Since Friday about 60 people, including two leaders of Hindraf who organised the protest, have been detained in a police crackdown, said N Surendran, a lawyer and Hindraf member.

Protesters were carrying roses to symbolise a peaceful demand for justice.

The Malaysian government is concerned about street protests in the run up to early general elections on March 8 and any gathering of more than four people requires a police permit.

Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the Malaysian prime minister, is widely expected to retain power at the polls with his ruling party coalition, but with a reduced majority.

Many Indians accuse his multi-racial coalition, which is dominated by ethnic Malays, of racial discrimination.

Police crackdown

Hinraf first announced the protest in January to press the government to release five of its leaders who have been jailed under tough internal security laws.

The men were detained without trial after more 10,000 ethnic Indians marched in the capital last November to complain about a lack of job and education opportunities.

The protesters on Saturday planned to gather outside parliament to hand a protest note and roses to Abdullah, but they were halted by police a short distance away.

"I want the five to be released," Parvathy Raman, a 30-year-old accounts executive from Kuala Lumpur, said.

"I want the government to hear our problems. Everyone knows there is discrimination, but the government denies it."

Hindraf said the red roses symbolised love and peace, while the yellow roses symbolised the group's demand for justice and the release of the jailed men.

Protesters defied police orders to disperse, but scattered when sprayed with tear gas and water laced with chemicals.

Ethnic Indians Rally in Malaysia Demanding Rights, Defy Police

Bloomberg (16/2/2008): About 200 Malaysian ethnic Indians defied a police order and rallied in the capital today demanding equal rights and the release of supporters held without trial as tensions rise three weeks before the country holds elections.

Carrying banners and roses, members of the Hindu Rights Action Force, or Hindraf, gathered near the city hall in Kuala Lumpur at 9 a.m. local time. Fifteen minutes later police fired tear gas and water cannons to disperse the group and arrested dozens of participants.

Hindraf, which is holding its second rally in three months, is demanding an end to alleged racial discrimination in a country where the government gives the ethnic Malay majority preferential treatment for jobs and homes. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has struggled to contain racial tension in his first term, and is targeting a smaller parliamentary majority at the March 8 ballot.

Authorities on Dec. 12 arrested five members of the group under the Internal Security Act, a law that allows for indefinite detention without trial. The order was signed by Abdullah.

``While the yellow roses are a symbol of our cry for justice, we seek the immediate release of Hindraf's five leaders,'' the group said in a statement before today's rally. ``We are going to Parliament as it is a symbol of justice.''

Use of Force

Today's peaceful rally follows a demonstration by the group on Nov. 25 last year, when about 10,000 Malaysian ethnic Indians gathered to demand equal rights. Human Rights Watch has asked Malaysia to investigate the ``unwarranted'' use of force by police at public rallies.

``We just want to hand over the flowers to the prime minister,'' said R. Thusimala, who attended the rally. ``I don't understand why the police are looking at us as a threat.''

Indians account for less than 10 percent of Malaysia's population of 27 million people. Ethnic Chinese make up about 20 percent and ethnic Malays about 60 percent.

Public demonstrations by racial groups are rare in Malaysia, where Abdullah's ruling coalition includes Indian, Chinese and Malay parties. Still, the premier has faced protests since September last year, from lawyers demanding an independent judiciary to groups seeking free and fair elections.

They lit off candles of the oppressed

Courtesy of Malaysiakini

No matter what had happened, anti-ISA candlelight vigil at Dataran Merdeka last night was a success. It was truly overwhelming because less and less concerned citizens are afraid of the oppressors.

PAS Youth Chief, Salahuddin Ayub told me, “Look! People are not afraid of the police. They are here despite all the warning and barricades”.

They can lit off the candles of the oppressed with their water canon, but can they lit off the spirit of the oppressed?

Salahuddin, his wife, their younger son and other concerned citizens (Courtesy of Harakahdaily)

Related:
Anti-ISA vigil dispersed with water cannon (Malaysiakini)
Malaysian riot police break up rally to protest detention without trial law (IHT)
Malaysians seek scrapping of national security act (PTI)
Malaysian police use water cannon on candlelight protest (Channel NewsAsia)
Protesters in Malaysia hold candlelight vigil against ISA (The Hindu)
Candle-light vigil against ISA in Malaysia (The Hindu)
Malaysian police break up rights rally (TVNZ)
Cops forced to use water cannon to disperse protesters (The Star)
Police disperse illegal assembly on ISA (Bernama)
Police disperse illegal rally at Dataran (NST)

Me brave? Nah! The brave are the young Malaysias who come out on this Saturday night (Bernard Khoo)

Anti-ISA candlelight vigil disrupted by police (Ronnie Liu)
Anti-ISA vigil dispersed with water cannon... (Kak Ton)
Water cannon to disperse anti ISA Movement crowd (ProMahathir)
More Water Cannon! (Mofie)
Sipa Press: Peaceful candlelight vigil for ISA detainees IV (Saidul A Shaari)

300 “NO to ISA” Candle Light Vigil ; 90 Mins Standoff; Despite the Water Cannon, Candles- Burning Bright; No untoward incidents - (Multimid)

They Could Have Approve It -(Melvin Mah)

Malaysian activists held under security law

AFP (13/12/2007): Malaysia said Thursday it has arrested five leaders of ethnic Indian rights group Hindraf under controversial security laws that allow for detention without trial.

Hindraf enraged the government last month by mounting a mass rally alleging discrimination against minority ethnic Indians in Malaysia, which is dominated by Muslim Malays.

Police used tear gas, water cannons and baton charges to break up the street protest which drew 8,000 people, and came just two weeks after another rare demonstration organised by electoral reform campaigners.

Deputy Internal Security Minister Mohd Johari Baharom confirmed the five were held under the Internal Security Act (ISA), which human rights groups are campaigning to have abolished.

"They can be held for two years for sedition and also for carrying out activities that threaten national security," he told the state Bernama news agency.

A Hindraf spokesman said the arrests of P. Uthayakumar, M. Manoharan, R. Kenghadharan, V. Ganabatirau and T. Vasanthakumar would not silence the movement, which the government has accused of stirring up racial tension.

"Regardless of the arrests this struggle will move on. We have many leaders who are waiting to take over and we will not go backwards but move ahead with the fight for the rights of Indians in Malaysia," S. Jayathas told AFP.

The ISA is currently being used to hold more than 100 people, including about 80 alleged Islamic militants.

It is not thought to have been used against government critics since 2001, when Malaysia was under the iron grip of former premier Mahathir Mohamad who used it to quell a reform movement triggered by the arrest of his deputy Anwar Ibrahim.

Opposition leader Lim Kit Siang condemned the government's move and said that if the Hindraf leaders had committed any offence they should be charged and tried in an open court.

"It is deplorable, the use of the ISA is completely indefensible," he told AFP.

"To resort to detention without trial is a regression to the dark days of human rights violations and is something that will bring further shame to Malaysia's international image and reputation."

Three of the Hindraf leaders have already been charged with sedition for speeches in which they criticised preferential treatment for Muslim Malays who make up 60 percent of the population and control the government.

Malaysia is also home to ethnic Chinese, who make up 26 percent of the population and dominate business.

Ethnic Indians, who make up 8.0 percent, complain they run a distant third in terms of wealth, opportunities and education.

Abdullah has for several weeks been threatening to invoke the draconian legislation against Hindraf, which authorities have accused of having links with Sri Lanka's Tamil Tigers. The group denies the charges.

Malaysia's ethnic Indians are mostly Tamils -- the descendents of indentured labourers brought here by the British in the 1800s.

Lawyers and human rights group have warned that the use of the ISA will only inflame the protest movement, which is airing grievances that have been bottled up for many years.

Malik Imtiaz Sarwar from the National Human Rights Society (Hakam) said the government's move was regrettable and unnecessary.

"The ISA detention will have the unfortunate effect of now stopping genuine attempts on the part of the marginalised Indian community to have their grievances addressed," he told AFP.

The legislation -- which dates back to the British colonial era when it was used against communist insurgents -- provides for two-year detention periods that can be renewed indefinitely.

Malik Imtiaz said that the opposition figures detained during the "Reformasi" movement of Anwar Ibrahim were mostly held for about two years before being released.

Related:
Malaysia arrests ethnic Indians - BBC News
Malaysia to launch signature drive - NDTV.com
Activists Held Under Strict Security Law - The Associated Press

Five facts on Malaysia's Internal Security Act

Reuters (13/12/2007): Malaysia has invoked its notorious Internal Security Act (ISA) to detain five ethnic Indians from a group that staged a mass anti-government protest last month.

There are currently 74 people, mostly suspected Muslim militants, being detained under the ISA, the government said last month.

Here are five facts on the ISA.

- Passed in 1960, three years after Malaysian independence, the ISA was designed to curb a perceived communist threat. It grew out of emergency regulations that were part of then Malaya's campaign against the Malayan Communist Party in British colonial times. Neighbour Singapore, once part of Malaysia, kept the ISA after leaving the Malaysian Federation in 1965.

- The act allows for the arrest and detention for an indefinite period of a suspect judged as "likely" to commit an act deemed dangerous to national security. Detainees can be held for 60 days without legal counsel, and preventive detention can then be renewed every two years.

- Amended dozens of times, it also has provisions to restrict freedom of assembly, expression and movement, among others. Since the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks on U.S. cities, it has been used to lock up dozens of suspected Islamic militants. Most ISA detainees are kept at Kamunting prison in northwest Perak state.

- The Human Rights Watch has said governments have consistently used the ISA for their own political purposes to detain thousands of citizens, including political opposition leaders, academics, trade unionists as well as religious, social, environmental and women's rights activists. Rights groups criticise the ISA as a draconian violation of international human rights standards, and a tool to stifle peaceful political dissent.

- In October 2007, opposition figure Abdul Malek Hussin became the first person to win a significant payment for illegal detention under the ISA. He was awarded nearly $750,000 in damages for his Sept 1998 detention, for addressing a "Reformasi" demonstration calling for political reform.

Malaysia's leader says public freedoms can be sacrificed for stability's sake

IHT (10/12/2007): Malaysia's leader said Monday he is willing to sacrifice public freedoms for the sake of national stability, a day after police arrested 21 opposition members and lawyers who took part in street protests.

Human rights activists have accused authorities of clamping down on freedom of expression by banning recent rallies aimed at calling for electoral reforms, government transparency and racial equality.

However, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said that efforts to ensure Malaysia's security demand "a sense of accountability to the whole, rather than the few."

"If the choice is between public safety and public freedoms, I do not hesitate to say here that public safety will always win," Abdullah said in a speech to corporate leaders.

"I will not sacrifice my sense of accountability to the greater public, especially in the face of police intelligence about planned fighting or other violent intent," Abdullah said. "We must never ever take our peace for granted."

Abdullah's administration has been rocked by a Nov. 10 rally in Kuala Lumpur — which drew some 30,000 people demanding electoral fairness ahead of national polls widely expected early next year — followed by a similarly large protest by minority ethnic Indians on Nov. 25 to complain of racial discrimination and economic deprivation.

Police arrested 12 members of an opposition coalition Sunday for taking part in the Nov. 10 rally, as well as nine people, including several lawyers, involved in a march for human rights earlier Sunday. Most of the lawyers were charged with illegal assembly Monday.

The government has also charged 31 Indians with attempted murder after a policeman was injured at the Nov. 25 rally.

Authorities had banned all the gatherings, saying they could threaten public order.

Abdullah pledged Monday to work to ensure political and economic justice, but added that people must remember "there are many groups within the country — each with their own sets of demands, each with their own set of sensitivities."

"These differences are very real, yet we do not descend into sheer unmitigated chaos," he said.

Abdullah also urged voters not to be swayed by groups that stir racial sentiments to reap political support.

"If voters are easily persuaded ... by people playing the racial card, then we are heading for disaster," he said.

Ethnic Malay Muslims, who comprise some 60 percent of Malaysia's 27 million people, control political power. Many ethnic Chinese and Indians, who form the two main minority communities, complain their grievances are ignored, especially regarding an affirmative action program that gives privileges to Malays in business, jobs and education. (AP)

Hopefuly this is not true

Polices attack and Malays gangs attackCourtesy of Malay Women in Malaysia

Malaysian police break up electoral reform protest

Channel News Asia (17/11/2007): Police disrupted a street protest by confiscating balloons and leaflets after activists launched a campaign to urge Malaysians to wear yellow every Saturday to demand electoral reform.

At least 10 members of a group were distributing the materials to the public at a busy train station in the capital Kuala Lumpur when police moved in.

Ronnie Lui, from the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP), described the police action as a form of "intimidation and harassment."

"I will say our street protest to promote a campaign to wear something yellow every Saturday was a success despite the police action. We manage to distribute the yellow balloons and ribbons before they stopped us."

"They also had threatened to arrest us," he added.

A protest last Saturday demanding electoral reform drew 30,000 people despite rain and a police ban. The rally was suppressed by police with water cannons and tear gas.

But protesters managed to hand a memorandum to Malaysia's king, who is highly respected but has a largely ceremonial role and usually stays out of politics.

The protest movement, a coalition of opposition parties and civil society groups called "Bersih" in the Malay language or "Clean", is pushing for reforms including a clean-up of the electoral roll and an end to postal votes.

Ronnie said "Bersih" picked yellow to represent people power, freedom and justice.

Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is expected to call snap polls in the next few months. - AFP/ac

Related:

Malaysian polls near: election body
Malaysian police vow to take action against protesters
Malaysian opposition slams government over protest clampdown
Malaysian police turn tear gas, water cannons on protesters

Reforms yes, but not through violence in the streets

NST (18/11/2007): Has the Barisan Nasional government ensured fairness in conducting elections? Ironically, despite flaws, fair elections have been proven in the defeats the BN suffered in the polls, writes KALIMULLAH HASSAN

It was more than 13 years ago -- February 1994 -- but for many journalists who covered the Sabah state elections then, some of the dramatic events that took place remain fresh in memory, probably because they are oft repeated at gatherings of these old hacks, at dinner tables or at the Foreign Correspondents Club where war stories are traded.

Just like the dramatic 1985 state elections when the newly-formed Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) eked a slim victory over the then powerful Berjaya party, only to see an attempted power grab with a dawn swearing-in of a chief minister from the losing party, and then having the decision reversed through intervention of the federal government, the 1994 election was also full of drama.

The PBS, which had then ruled Sabah for nine years and had, during this period, joined the federal ruling Barisan Nasional coalition and exited on the eve of general election in 1990 to back an opposition alliance that failed, was facing an onslaught from the BN which was determined to wrest the state back and punish the PBS and its president, Datuk Seri Panglima Joseph Pairin Kitingan, for their treachery in 1990.

As was convention, the deputy prime minister and deputy head of the BN, headed the BN election campaign. In 1990, the deputy prime minister who led the unsuccessful campaign to beat the PBS was the late Tun Ghafar Baba. In 1994, it was the newly appointed deputy prime minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.
Encyclopedia Brittanica, in its review of Malaysia for 1994, states:

"Anwar Ibrahim was Umno's chief strategist for the February (1994) elections in Sabah, the Borneo state long ruled by the opposition United Sabah Party (Parti Bersatu Sabah).

"The BN won 23 state assembly seats, whittling PBS's legislative strength down to 25. Joseph Pairin Kitingan, Sabah's chief minister for nine years, was forced to dissolve (his government) even before it could convene in March because almost all PBS legislators had defected. Umno's Sakaran Dandai then became Sabah's chief minister."

What really happened was that many of the PBS assemblymen defected to the BN, forcing the collapse of the PBS government within days of its victory.

I cannot recall exactly when but it must have been early in the morning of Feb 20 or 21, shortly after the PBS had been announced the winner in the election.

My colleagues and I, who were covering the election for our respective organisations, had spent the whole night running around a deserted, suspense-gripped Kota Kinabalu.

Remembering the 1985 attempted power grab, Pairin had driven to the gates of the Istana to be sworn in as chief minister but was refused entry. His Land Cruiser was parked at the gates and he refused to leave until he was sworn in. He would stay there for two nights.

Meanwhile, all his elected assemblymen were locked up in his official residence, Sri Gaya, and their mobile phones taken away to prevent any attempt from the BN to contact them and induce them to jump ship.

All the BN needed was for two assemblymen to cross over and the PBS would have been reduced to a minority.

Dozens of reporters and cameramen were holding vigil at the Istana gates but in the wee hours, we left one of our colleagues to hold fort while the rest returned to the Hyatt Hotel, where we all stayed, to take a much needed rest. But it was not to be.

It was about 4am when I received a call in my room from a lawyer I had befriended -- Abdul Rahman -- and he was sobbing.

Abdul Rahman said there were rumours that the police would storm Sri Gaya and take the assemblymen away. I found it hard to believe that such a thing could happen; but this was Sabah, and with the power grab of 1985 still in mind, I dressed and went to see Abdul Rahman.

He wanted my colleagues and I to go to Sri Gaya and if such a raid did occur, at least we could witness it and tell the world about it.

Bone weary, my colleagues were woken and we all went to Sri Gaya. There was no police raid, of course, but tension was extremely high.

The next day, Pairin, who had waited at the Istana gates for more than 36 hours, was sworn in as chief minister, unbathed, unshaved, bleary-eyed and wearing the same clothes he had on two days earlier.

But barely days later, his government collapsed as many of his assemblymen defected and the BN formed the next government.

In his policy address at the PBS annual congress on Sept 23, 1997, Pairin had this to say:

"Of course, our most bitter experience as well as that of the people of Sabah as a whole was being forced out of government after winning the 1994 state elections. The fourth-term PBS government lasted only about two weeks before the mandate given by the people was stolen through undemocratic manoeuvrings of the BN. The resignation of the government was caused by defections of a majority of PBS assemblymen to BN parties. Some of the former PBS assemblymen also formed their own political parties and later joined the BN.

"The manner in which the PBS government was forced out of power and made an opposition party is certainly unprecedented in our beloved country of Malaysia. As leaders and members of PBS, we must all rise and take up the challenge to reverse this dark spot in Sabah's history by ensuring that the party is returned as the rightful government of Sabah in the next election."

A year later, PBS deputy president Datuk Dr Maximus Ongkili, now a federal minister, said: "We should consider what happened in Sabah in 1994 as history that should not be repeated. The federal government must not allow its machinery to be abused by irresponsible groups intimidating the voters, using phantom voters, buying PBS assemblymen, and closing the door of the Istana as was done during the last election."

The PBS website still has this posting on the 1994 election where it states: "Having lost the majority in the state assembly, Datuk Seri Panglima Pairin resigned as Chief Minister on March 17, 1994 before a shocked Malaysian public. It was unbelievable that a case of a democratically elected government losing power within days after a general election due to party hopping by dishonourable assemblyman was happening for the first time on Malaysian soil."

And all these happened when Anwar led the campaign in Sabah.

In 1999, after Anwar was sacked from his post by then Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the new deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi led the BN election campaign in Sabah.

The Hongkong-based weekly, Asiaweek, reported: "Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Ismail, (Parti Keadilan president and Anwar's wife) decries Barisan's alleged misuse of public facilities. Yet the irony is that when Dr Wan Azizah's husband, Anwar, was deputy PM, he reportedly used the same methods for his Sabah campaign."

In a subsequent issue, Asiaweek reported on the BN's overwhelming majority in the 1999 Sabah election: "Given the stakes involved, it is of little surprise that the BN pulled out all stops to win. For one thing, the polls were a test of Barisan's legitimacy in Sabah. In the previous state election, held in 1994, victory had gone to rival PBS. Barisan ended up in power only because 26 assemblymen bolted from PBS to either join Barisan or form their own parties.

"Everybody realised that the government in 1994 was formed because people jumped," says Karim Bujang, BN's secretary in Sabah.

"The coalition's mandate was therefore suspect; a victory this time around would establish beyond doubt that Barisan did indeed have the support of Sabahans."

It was not surprising to see Anwar in the forefront of last week's demonstrations by some non-governmental organisations and mainly opposition party supporters demanding electoral reform because if anything, Anwar is a politician through and through. And, as has been proven time and again, Malaysians have short memories.

But with historical perspective, it does seem strange that Anwar, who headed two of the most controversial election campaigns in Malaysian history in the last 15 years, would be the one asking for electoral reforms.

Umno members and many older Malaysians will also remember the 1993 Umno election where Anwar took on then party deputy president and deputy Prime Minister Tun Ghafar Baba, an election where money, the media and government machinery were blatantly abused to oust Ghafar and his team.

The problem was so severe that in three subsequent Umno general assemblies after that, then Umno president Dr Mahathir Mohamad decried the corruption within the ranks, and cried, asking Umno delegates to repent and reject those who used money to get votes.

It must be noted that the current Prime Minister, Abdullah, was on Ghafar's losing team in 1993, and was dubbed Mr Clean by the media for his refusal to thwart the electoral process by using money.

Abdullah displayed his seriousness when after the 2004 Umno election, where allegations of money being used were widespread, he initiated investigations which led to one of his own staunch supporters and friend, Tan Sri Isa Samad, a cabinet minister, who had won the vice-presidency, being implicated and suspended from the party for six years.

It is interesting to go back into history and get a perspective on the demonstration of last Saturday.

Two others in the forefront of the march to Istana Negara to hand over the memorandum seeking electoral reforms were Parti Islam president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang and DAP chairman Lim Kit Siang.

Kit Siang has been at the helm of the DAP for more than 30 years until he passed the baton to Kerk Kim Hock, who subsequently left the party for health reasons although it was widely known he had major differences with Kit Siang's son, Guan Eng. Guan Eng is now secretary-general of the party.

The Aliran magazine, which was one of those which signed the memorandum for electoral reforms, reported: "Guan Eng too cannot erase the talk of nepotism by virtue of being DAP supremo Kit Siang's son. It didn't help of course that the PAP in Singapore handed its leadership to Lee Hsieng Loong, the son of its own supremo, Lee Kuan Yew, at the same time. Therefore the image of a DAP being a highly regimented party that purges anyone seen as threatening Kit Siang's hegemony has not been totally erased."

That seems to be the perception.

After all, in the past, many had been touted as potential successors to Kit Siang. They included people like architect Goh Hock Guan, activist Fan Yew Teng, social worker Tan Sri Lee Lam Thye, lawyer Wee Choo Keong and Kerk. All eventually fell by the wayside and left the DAP. Maybe the DAP needs to reform its electoral process. But maybe Kit Siang believes it has been free and fair although others in his party don't think so. Again, you cannot make everyone happy, can you?

What happens when the DAP wins an election through the electoral process that it wants reformed?

After a crucial by-election in Tapah which the DAP won against the BN, Kit Siang, was quoted by Asiaweek, which said he was ecstatic.

"It is a political earthquake," Kit Siang said of the DAP's stunning upset win in the May 17 parliamentary by-election.

The death of the incumbent MP caused the by-election in the semi-rural Perak state constituency. The result meant an astonishing vote swing to 39-year-old lawyer M. Kulasegaran, who demolished a previous government majority of 14,000 to win by 3,000. The DAP last held the seat in 1969. And it won this time despite the campaign efforts of then Deputy PM Anwar Ibrahim and other senior officials.

Kit Siang described the votes as "golden letters in the annals of Malaysian history".

"It is an earthquake registering six on the Richter scale," he joked. The government is not laughing, however.

And what happens when they do badly in an election?

The Asiaweek report after Kit Siang and DAP deputy chairman Karpal Singh lost their seats in the 1999 general election, despite the opposition Keadilan and Pas having an overall better showing, says: "Lim Kit Siang, who stepped down as DAP secretary-general on Dec 2 to take responsibility for the party's poor performance in the elections, said in his resignation letter that the new political equation effected by the rise of Pas would pose a threat to a democratic secular Malaysia."

The World Socialist website has this report on its pages: "Despite losing two longstanding leaders, DAP, which is based primarily among Chinese voters, hung onto 10 seats but failed to make any significant gains. Defeated leader Kit Siang described the result as 'a catastrophic defeat' with our traditional non-Malay and Chinese supporters abandoning the party.

"Dr Mahathir had been able to successfully play on the fears of Chinese and Indian voters that a vote for the DAP would only assist its electoral ally Pas and its plans for an Islamic state.

"Kit Siang's comments underscore the highly unstable character of the opposition coalition: DAP has always opposed any call for an Islamic state and laws yet it formed an electoral alliance with Pas. In the aftermath of the election it is unlikely that the opposition parties will remain in a coalition for long."

Therefore, it appears that Kit Siang did not blame the electoral process when his party won in Tapah; and blamed his partners, Pas, when he lost in 1999. Ah, well?

Perhaps, the most potent argument by the government that elections in Malaysia are actually conducted in free and fair manner, is the fact that it has lost states like Kelantan, Sabah, Terengganu and Penang at one time or another, almost lost Kedah in 1999, and also lost crucial by-elections like the one in Tapah and Lunas.

But certainly, there are weaknesses -- which the government and opposition parties acknowledge -- that need to be rectified.

In a general election, where ultimate power goes to the winner, no one will be satisfied, especially those who lose.

But even in developed democracies like the United States, as seen by George W. Bush's highly controversial victory over Al Gore in the 2000 presidential elections, there are flaws. If the system had been perfect, maybe George Bush would not have become president; maybe there would never have been a war in Iraq and there would not have been all the subsequent consequences of that war which have impacted the rest of the world. Maybe.

In any democracy, a country must strive to be better in everything it does -- in improving its institutions, its economy, the welfare of its people or in adapting to change.

And the current government despite its flaws and share of incorrigible politicians has repeatedly talked and sought improvements in the delivery systems, in strengthening institutions and in ensuring it is fair to all Malaysians.

We could do without Barisan MPs who make crude and disparaging remarks against women, or those who make racist statements; we could do without those who flout the laws by building palaces without seeking approvals; we could do without incompetent members of government. But then, we don't live in a perfect world.

It is interesting to see what the coalition of NGOs and political parties want reformed.

In their memorandum to the king, they listed down eight aspects which they said need to be reformed, some of which, such as use of indelible ink and cleaning up electoral rolls of dead and untraceable voters, have already been adopted by the Election Commission, but were contained in the memorandum nevertheless.

One of the things they sought was that "at least 30 per cent of members of parliament must be women" and that "opportunities must be given for women and the disenfranchised".

So far, only the Barisan Nasional, through Abdullah, has a stated policy of ensuring that women occupy at least 30 per cent of top posts in government. It's hard to see Pas, which relegates women's role in politics and government, to accommodate that policy though Hadi Awang was in the forefront of the march to the Istana.

In fact, none of the opposition political parties have the same representation -- either in percentage terms or absolute numbers -- of minorities and women as does the Barisan Nasional.

The DAP is mainly Chinese-based and Keadilan and Pas are almost wholly Malay-based. The BN, through its coalition partners, has members of almost all Malaysian communities within its ranks and minorities like the Orang Asli and Thai-Malaysian community are represented through senators in the Upper House.

The BN had the highest number of women candidates in the 2004 elections. Will we see Pas, DAP and Parti Keadilan Rakyat fielding more women candidates in the next general election? Let's see.

The memorandum also asks for many other things, like a longer campaign period, closer and more effective monitoring of money spent by the different parties during the campaign, and public funding for political parties' campaigns and for women and minority groups, and greater access to public radio and television. These are certainly reasonable requests which should be considered. But could not the same memorandum be handed over to the prime minister and the king in an organised manner without a march through the busy streets?

In conclusion, they ask that the king withhold consent for dissolution of parliament should the changes they seek not be implemented.

Who are these coalition members who signed the memorandum?

Some are recognisable names -- like Aliran, Abim, MTUC, opposition parties like the DAP, Pas, PKR and Sarawak National Party (SNAP), but some don't even strike a chord. Citizen's Health Initiative? Group of Concerned Citizens? Community Action Network? Labour Resource Centre? Malaysian Voters Union? Save Ourselves?

They are all signatories to the memorandum and claim to represent civil society and other Malaysians.

Really? Then how come the rest of us have heard little or nothing at all about them before?

Maybe they believe they represent Malaysians and civil society. But who represents the tens of thousands of others who become victims of these marches and demonstrations, when traffic comes to a standstill, business gets disrupted and innocent bystanders have to run helter skelter to avoid the mad rush?

The 1998 and 1999 reformasi demonstrations showed how unruly the crowd can become.

They did march through Chow Kit to the Umno headquarters, breaking furniture and windows, and then to the then prime minister's house in Sri Perdana, forcing a showdown with police. They did attack the vehicles of a TV3 crew, breaking its windows and thrashing the cars while the crew sat in fear inside.

They did force small traders to close shop and innocent bystanders to scurry and hide in fear when they marched through the streets.

They did beat up policemen and burn police motorcycles in their demonstrations then. When business stagnates, when people lose jobs, when investors fear to invest, who do they go to for recourse? Lim Kit Siang, Hadi Awang, Anwar Ibrahim or to Citizen's Health Initiative?

If people again go back to history, they will note that the May 13 racial riots were sparked off by street demonstrations. If we go back to the riots in Sabah in 1986 when bombs were going off throughout the state and five people were killed in days of chaos, we will note they started from street demonstrations in Karamunsing. Therefore, it is only natural that both the authorities and Malaysians at large are fearful of the street demonstrations which during the reformasi era of 1998 also turned violent.

Maybe the organisers intend these demonstrations and street marches of "solidarity" to be peaceful. Whether by design, or whether by the law of unintended consequences, we have seen how these demonstrations led to chaos and mayhem.

Hopefully, there will be a time when the country can accommodate such protests and demonstrations which will run their course peacefully and it is the hope of every Malaysian, I should think, that the sooner this can happen, the better.

It's funny that Thierry Rommel, the outgoing European Union ambassador, says that Malaysia is under "an effective state of emergency" when referring to the police action of using water cannon and tear gas to break up the crowd of demonstrators who refused to disperse despite repeated warnings by the police.

By his argument, we should conclude that Italy, a member of the EU that Rommel represents, is also under an effective state of emergency since last week.

Why? Well, we saw on BBC and Al Jazeera how Italian police used tear gas and water cannon to disperse rioting crowds protesting against the shooting of a football fan in Lazio by a policeman. Strange that Al Jazeera did not come to the same conclusions about Italian police and authorities as they did on Malaysian police in their reports.

After all, both the Italian and Malaysian police were enforcing the same standard operating procedure of police throughout the world -- dispersing unruly crowds using water cannons and tear gas.

Maybe, coming from the Middle East, which must be a thriving hub of democracy, Al Jazeera has higher standards for "less developed" democracies like Malaysia. We must wonder why then the Bush administration is hell bent on introducing democracy to the Middle East.

Conclusion: Not everything in this world is free and fair.

What the eye does not see

Malaysia Today (16/11/2007): “Tuanku Mizan Regrets Claims He Supports Illegal Rally,” screamed the Bernama headlines. The Malay version said, “Tuanku Mizan Kesal Dakwaan Baginda Sokong Perhimpunan Haram.” Both versions can be read below.

Wow! To the layman this sounds very serious indeed. A very ‘high-ranking’ Istana Negara official named Datuk Wan Mohd Safiain Wan Hasan and going by the title of Datuk Pengelola Bijaya Diraja has issued a statement of behalf of The Agong. Who is this guy anyway?

Well, this guy holds the position that Jeanne Danker used to hold before she dislodged the Raja Permaisuri Agong to become Malaysia’s so-called ‘First Lady’. Actually, the Prime Minister’s wife is maybe the ‘22nd Lady’ after the Raja Permaisuri Agong, the consorts of the nine State Rulers, the four Undangs, the four Governors, followed by the few ex-Raja Permaisuri Agong still living. But the government-controlled media would like us to believe that the Federal Constitution of Malaysia is wrong in placing 21 other ladies above the Prime Minister’s wife.

This Wan Safiain chappie hails from Terengganu and works for the Prime Minister’s Department. In fact, the entire office of the Istana Negara comes under the Prime Minister’s Department. I remember relating an incident which happened way back in November 1999, a few days before the Tenth General Election.

In November 1999, I was tasked with the job of delivering a letter from Barisan Alternatif to the Istana Negara requesting an audience with The Agong then, my uncle. I delivered the letter at noon on Friday and went off to the mosque for my Friday prayers. When I went back to the office around 2.30pm there was a reply waiting for me in the fax machine turning down our request for an audience, with a suggestion that we try again after the general election. Our letter was addressed to The Agong. The reply came from the Prime Minister’s Department. The Agong never got to see the letter and was not even aware that one had been sent. And that was probably the fastest reply ever from a government department in Malaysia’s entire history.

So now we know how the Istana Negara office works. The office comes under the Prime Minister’s Department and the people in that office are planted there by the Prime Minister’s Department to be the eyes, ears and sometimes mouth of the government as well. And today we saw an example of how it has become the mouth of the government. Today’s announcement by the Datuk Pengelola Bijaya Diraja, not the Keeper of the Royal Seal but the Keeper of the Royal Linen a la Jeanne Danker before she became ‘First Lady’, is a prime example of how these plants from the Prime Minister’s Department are the eyes, ears and mouth of the government.

That is why it was not wise to quietly deliver the BERSIH Memorandum to The Agong. If that had been done, then the Memorandum would have been hijacked and would have been diverted to the Prime Minister’s Department instead -- and The Agong would have never seen it. And that was also why it was necessary for 100,000 citizens to march to the Istana Negara to ‘escort’ the Memorandum -- although only 50,000 eventually got through because they sealed off all the roads into Kuala Lumpur which resulted in one of the worst traffic jams in history.

This Datuk Pengelola Bijaya Diraja chappie is a most unpopular personality in the Palace office. Everyone in the Palace office knows he has been planted there as the eyes and ears of the government. And his job is not only to keep a watch on things and report back to the Prime Minister’s office whatever is happening in the Palace, but he has also been tasked with the job of frustrating every effort of The Agong in interacting with the rakyat (citizens).

Today’s press announcement did not come from The Agong. It did not even come from the Keeper of the Royal Seal whose job it is to make official statements on behalf of The Agong. It came from a glorified chamber maid planted in the Palace as an enemy in the blanket. These are the worst kind of slime-balls and scumbags. They smile and call you friend. Then they stick a dagger in your back.

100,000 rakyat wanted to meet their Monarch that afternoon of Saturday, 10 November 2007. The Agong did not say no. The Agong will never say no to 100,000 rakyat who wish for an audience with His Majesty. The Agong just wanted to know how many people will be representing the 100,000 rakyat and what their names are.

The Agong also realised that the government will certainly try to frustrate the effort of the 100,000 rakyat who wished for an audience with His Majesty. And this did happen. The government said that a police permit would be required and that the organisers should apply for one. So the organisers did, but the application was rejected. And the government warned that if the 100,000 rakyat still insisted on pursuing the march then the government would retaliate with force. And the government did as promised.

When the first volley was fired on the assembled marchers around the Masjid Jamek-Masjid India area, word was passed down the line that the 19th Brigade of the Royal Malay Regiment or Regimen Askar Melayu Di-Raja (RAMD) was on stand-bye, to move in if there are any fatal casualties. Fourteen armoured cars (kereta perisai) had earlier arrived from Sungai Petani and were parked at the Sungai Buloh military camp, ready to roll at a minute’s notice. It would take them ten or fifteen minutes to arrive at the scene of any violence against the rakyat.

Panic buttons were pressed and alarm bells rung. This had happened once on 13 May 1969 in Kampong Baru. The Royal Malay Regiment is not one to mess around with. The Agong is their Commander-in-Chief and soldiers are trained to obey their Commander-in-Chief at no consequence to their own lives.

The police backed off. They were reduced to traffic control where those positioned at junctions stopped cars to allow the marchers to safely cross the road. The RAMD remained on stand-by and the next morning the fourteen kereta perisai quietly slipped out of Sungai Buloh and went home.

This has worried the government. The Agong did not say he did not wish to meet the representatives of the 100,000 marchers. He in fact asked for their names. And when the government issued threats of violence against the marchers, the 19th Brigade of the RAMD was brought into Kuala Lumpur with fourteen kereta perisai. This was The Agong’s way of saying that if you shoot the marchers, just like you did in Batu Burok in front of The Agong’s palace in Kuala Terengganu, then all hell will break loose.

So the government backed off. They had no choice. The 100,000 rakyat wanted to meet The Agong and His Majesty had said yes. And the 19th Brigade of the RAMD came to town to ensure that yes means yes.

Abdullah Ahmad Badawi issued a decree at the Umno General Assembly the day before the Saturday, 10 November 2007, march. He said he ‘pantang dicabar’. This translates to mean he is allergic to being challenged. And his son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, asked the police to arrest all the marchers. Yes, arrest all the marchers. Arrest all 1,000 of them! Arrest all 2,000 of them! Hey, even if it is 5,000, arrest all 5,000 of them. But wow, it is 50,000 with another 50,000 on the way. How to arrest 50,000, or 100,000 if the other 50,000 reach Kuala Lumpur?

Oops, forget about arresting them. 50,000 is too large a number to arrest. There are not enough trucks to ferry 50,000 and not enough jails to house 50,000 people. Instead, close all the roads leading into Kuala Lumpur. Seal off Kuala Lumpur and not allow anyone in. Let it remain 50,000. Don’t allow it to grow to 100,000. Then we will announce we won. We will announce that the march failed and the ‘illegal demonstrators’ were prevented from assembling at Dataran Merdeka.

Shit, now we are told that they never intended to assemble in Dataran Merdeka in the first place. The Dataran Merdeka thing was a decoy, a Red Herring. They wanted the police to assemble in Dataran Merdeka so that they can march unhindered to the Istana Negara. We were tricked. They won. We lost.

Okay, all is not lost. We can still announce that The Agong is not happy with the march. We will announce that The Agong did not agree to the march. We will announce that The Agong did not consent to the march. That will give the perception that we won and the 100,000 marchers lost. And we will get the head of housekeeping to make that announcement. After all, he is our plant in the Palace. He is our man and on our payroll. And, since he carries this very impressive title, no one will know he is just in charge of making the beds and not actually anyone important.

Oh yeah? Well, Malaysia Today knows. And Malaysia Today knows that most in the Istana Negara regard him as a slime-ball and a scumbag. And anything he who makes the beds says does not matter as long as it is not The Agong himself who said it. Try again guys. Maybe you will have better luck next time. And please, don’t ask that slime-ball and scumbag to make any statements if you want us to believe that it is really The Agong who is saying it.

Tuanku Mizan Regrets Claims He Supports Illegal Rally

Bernama (16/11/2007): Yang di- Pertuan Agong Tuanku Mizan Zainal Abidin has expressed regret over claims that he and the Palace approved and supported Saturday’s illegal rally in the city.

In a statement issued here today by the Datuk Pengelola Bijaya Diraja of Istana Negara, Datuk Wan Mohd Safiain Wan Hasan, the King also regretted the gathering which was organised by the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih) and supported by the opposition parties.

Tuanku Mizan stressed that he and Istana Negara had at no time approved or given any support, directly or indirectly, to any quarters that organised or was involved in the illegal assembly or any other activities that contravened the law.

On Saturday, Bersih, which comprises several non-governmental organisations, as well as some opposition parties had gathered their supporters at various spots in the city, including around Masjid Jamek, Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman and the National Mosque, before marching to Istana Negara to hand over a memorandum to Tuanku Mizan.

The following Monday, PAS secretary-general Datuk Kamaruddin Jaffar said Bersih had decided to submit the memorandum to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong after the ruler himself approved of it, and that the presence of Bersih at Istana Negara was to hand over the memorandum to the King's representative.

In the statement, Tuanku Mizan said as the head of state, he was responsible in ensuring that the country's administration based on the constitutional monarchy system, as enshrined in the Federal Constitution, was respected and adhered to by all.

He hoped that the people would act in accordance with the law and not be involved in any illegal action or activity.

“Every Malaysian citizen is responsible for maintaining public order for continued peace and stability in the country,” Tuanku Mizan said.

The King also hoped that the people would together work at preserving unity and harmony to ensure that the country would continue to develop, prosper and be respected.

Meanwhile, Wan Mohd Safiain said that Istana Negara, for the first time, summoned the media to publicise the content of the statement as the King viewed the matter seriously.

“Normally, Istana Negara would issue a statement via facsimile but this time, we had to call the media here to ensure that the King’s message reaches the people,” he added.

Tuanku Mizan Kesal Dakwaan Baginda Sokong Perhimpunan Haram

Bernama (16/11/2007): Yang di-Pertuan Agong Tuanku Mizan Zainal Abidin melahirkan rasa kesal dengan dakwaan kononnya baginda dan Istana Negara memperkenankan dan menyokong satu perhimpunan haram di sini Sabtu lepas.

Dalam satu kenyataan yang dikeluarkan oleh Datuk Pengelola Bijaya Diraja Istana Negara Datuk Wan Mohd Safiain Wan Hasan hari ini, Seri Paduka Baginda juga melahirkan rasa kesal dengan perhimpunan itu yang dianjurkan oleh satu kumpulan dikenali Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil (BERSIH) yang disokong parti-parti pembangkang.

Dalam kenyataan itu, Tuanku Mizan menegaskan bahawa baginda dan Istana Negara tidak pernah pada bila-bila masa jua memperkenankan atau memberikan apa-apa sokongan secara langsung atau tidak langsung kepada mana-mana pihak yang menganjurkan atau terlibat dalam perhimpunan haram itu dan apa-apa jua kegiatan lain yang berkaitan yang menyalahi undang-undang negara.

Sabtu lepas, BERSIH yang disertai oleh badan-badan bukan kerajaan (NGO) dan parti pembangkang mengumpulkan penyokong-penyokongnya di beberapa tempat di sekitar ibu kota termasuk Jalan Masjid Jamek, Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman dan Masjid Negara sebelum berarak ke Istana Negara bagi menghantar memorandum kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Isnin lepas, Setiausaha Agung PAS, Datuk Kamaruddin Jaffar, berkata dalam satu kenyataan bahawa BERSIH mengambil keputusan menyerahkan memorandum itu kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong setelah Tuanku sendiri memberikan perkenan Baginda, dan kehadiran BERSIH ke Istana Negara pada hari Sabtu itu, adalah bagi menjunjung perkenan Tuanku untuk menyerahkan memorandum itu kepada wakil Baginda.

Tuanku Mizan bertitah sebagai Ketua Utama Negara, baginda bertanggungjawab untuk memastikan bahawa prinsip sistem pentadbiran negara berlandaskan prinsip Raja Berperlembagaan seperti yang termaktub dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan sentiasa dihormati dan dipatuhi oleh semua.

Baginda berharap agar rakyat Malaysia sentiasa bertindak dengan mematuhi undang-undang negara dan tidak melibatkan diri dalam apa-apa juga kegiatan atau tindakan yang menyalahi atau bertentangan dengan undang-undang negara.

“Setiap rakyat Malaysia bertanggungjawab untuk memelihara ketenteraman awam demi menjamin keamanan dan kesejahteraan negara,” titah baginda.

Seri Paduka Baginda juga berharap agar rakyat dapat bersama-sama mengekalkan semangat persaudaraan dan perpaduan demi membina negara yang lebih makmur, bersatu padu dan dihormati.

Wan Mohd Safiain pula berkata pihak pengurusan Istana Negara buat pertama kalinya memanggil media untuk menghebahkan kenyataan ini kerana Yang di-Pertuan Agong memandang serius perkara itu.

“Kebiasaannya Istana Negara mengeluarkan kenyataan melalui faksimili, tetapi kali ini terpaksa memanggil media untuk memastikan ianya dapat dihebahkan kepada seluruh rakyat,” katanya.

No need for institutional reform to election system - Nazri

Bernama (15/11/2007): There is no need for institutional reform to the Malaysian election system as it has worked well for the country in the last 50 years, Minister in the Prime Minister's Department Datuk Seri Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz said.

He, however, admitted that there was still room for improvement, but to say that the system was unfair was not a correct description.

Mohamed Nazri was replying to a question posed by Al Jazeera's anchor Teymoor Nabili of the satellite channel's 101 East Programme in which he was one of three panellists invited to discuss last Saturday's illegal assembly in the city.

The other panellists were Umno Youth deputy chief Khairy Jamaluddin and Human Rights lawyer Malik Imtiaz Sarwar.

The 30-minute programme touched widely on the issue, including the media's way of handling it.

Agreeing to the minister's reply, Khairy said the system just needed some processes to be strengthened.

"There is nothing wrong with the system, but some processes need to be strenghtened... but the institution is fine, the system works," he said, pointing out that the Barisan National (BN) had lost Kelantan in the elections.

To Al Jazeera's contention that police had used force to disperse the gathering, Nazri said they did not use excessive force for obvious reasons, especially since they (police) were aware that they were under close scrutiny not only by Malaysians but the whole world.

On crowd and traffic control during the gathering, Khairy said the police handled it well.

To Imtiaz's allegation that the traffic jams that resulted were caused by police road blocks, Khairy said they were put up because of the demonstration.

He said a similar rally in Terengganu in September had descended into a violent incident.

"So, you cannot blame the police for thinking that this (Saturday's gathering) was going to end up the same way," he added.

To Nabili's question on the local media's minimum coverage on the gathering, Nazri said he did not think the local media were siding with the government.

"The media are free to report anything. In fact, I got all my information (on the gathering) from the (news) papers," he added.

Meanwhile, Nazri said changes made by the Election Commission had shown that the government had not turned a deaf ear on issues brought forward by the people.

However, he said, not every issue or grouse voiced (by the people) was necessarily right.

"We have a system here... if you have any grouse, channel it to the ballot box. We have an election every five years or less... at the end of the day, we will decide and you must never underestimate the will of the people," added Nazri.

Khairy also said that the gathering could not be used as a barometer of the general sentiments of the public.

REHMAN RASHID: The great wet T-shirt contest

NST (16/11/2007): WE have to get one distinction clear. The issue arising from last Saturday's Bersih rally at Istana Negara was not electoral reform, but freedom of assembly.
Electoral reform is a non-issue in this case, because the Four Demands printed on the backs of all those yellow tee-shirts are readily enough addressed.

Indelible ink. Done.

Clean electoral rolls. Being done. (As part of the process, all registered voters should check their MyKad to see if they're still residing at their registered addresses.)

Free and fair access to media. Fair enough. (Though we'd need to discuss further the definitions of "free", "fair", "access" and "media".)
Abolition of postal vote. Potentially unfair; how about "free and fair postal vote"?

In any case, the avenues of recourse in these matters are not only open but waiting -- if only for the present administration to practise the sincere conciliation it advocates.

The basic premise of a public rally, however, is to involve as many people as want to be involved, and impact the rest. Several thousand joined in (the numbers, shall we say, are disputed) and uncounted tens of thousands more were impacted.

Mass-transit train stations were closed, while taxis and buses were immobilised in the huge traffic jams that coiled around the city like dead serpents in the rain. On the peripheries of the throng at Istana Negara, KLites stood still in stoic clusters, sheltering in the underpasses.

On the roads and highways, motorists waited, grateful for once for the rain, which at least kept their engines cool. As well as, perhaps, the heads of the protesters and the police.

It was, indeed, a well-conducted bit of rebellious anarchism. As is my wont, I had gone to where the party was not: Dataran Merdeka. A group of about 300 protesters had gathered there, held back on Lebuh Pasar Besar at the Loke Yew Building, just short of the square. They stood and chanted slogans for about 30 minutes, during which time most of them slipped off in the direction of Istana Negara.

A rear guard of a couple of dozen stayed on for another 30 minutes, then thanked the police line, apologising politely for having kept them standing in the rain. There was a brief chorus of "Hidup Polis! Thank You Polis!" -- what they were demanding was as much for the sake of the police as for all Malaysians, they declared -- and then they adjourned to the palace.

There was none of the violence of Bersih's previous rally, in Batu Buruk, Terengganu, two months before. No burning flags, no wild gunplay in the teeth of gang-mauling mobs.

After the protesters' "memorandum" was handed over to a palace official (the Agong being at the time back home in Terengganu) the rally dispersed, leaving not even litter in its wake.

With all this admirable restraint, it's understandable that the rally organisers should blame the disruptions of that Saturday afternoon on the police. Understandable, but not acceptable.

Having declared it an illegal assembly, the police were bound by law, first of all, to prevent it. Hence, the roadblocks that jammed everything in a five-kilometre radius of the palace. They were not entirely to identify potential rally-goers (although five coachloads of Pas supporters were filtered out on their way into town) but, much more simply, to stop everyone equally.

Secondly: Maintain public order. I got to Masjid Jamek half-an-hour after the water cannon and tear gas, and so cannot tell you whether the mood of the protesters had warranted it. The police said yes, the protesters said no; you had to be there.

Other than that, protesters, police and bystanders alike maintained their discipline. The protesters had their moment, their message was delivered, and the disruptions of that afternoon were due to only one thing: the illegality of public assembly without permit in this country.

The Right to Assembly is included in Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Hence, it is also contained in Article 10 of our Federal Constitution. It is on this basis that the event's organisers and advocates contend that the rally was not illegal.

But what they were really up against were the provisions inserted into the Constitution as a caution against mass rallies turning into mass murder.

Perhaps the 47 years since the Emergency and 38 years since the May 13 riots are sufficient to prove that Malaysians can be trusted now to assemble without let or hindrance; that the police should be expected to perform only traffic management, not crowd control.

Had that been the point of it, Saturday's rally might have helped prove that point. Breaking the law to change the law may be justified if "the law is an ass, an idiot", as Dickens' Mr Bumble fatuously remarked in Oliver Twist. But changing the system to change the law is oxymoronic.

You might as well throw the baby out with the bathwater, cut off your nose to spite your face and burn your mosquito net to foil a mosquito. Whatever else you achieve, you'd look a right berk.

In language lawyers understand, here is a motto all are welcome to cut out and keep: Respice finem (res-PEE-kay fin-EM). Keep the end in view.

The value of keeping the end in view

ALSO to be noted was the role of the political opposition at last Saturday's rally. Leaders of PKR, Pas and the DAP were at the head of the phalanx in front of the palace gates, but their presence seemed practically ceremonial.

The protesters' memorandum on electoral reform was passed up from the ranks to the palace officials receiving it, with the party chieftains bestowing their blessings upon it in transit. But it wasn't their show. Party politics merely went along for the ride, expressing moral support for a cause from which they could also abdicate responsibility.

These leaders did not lead, they followed. In relegating themselves to a coalition of NGOs on an agenda of reform, our honourable parliamentary opposition handily reformed themselves out of the picture.

Which might explain why Pas president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang immediately threatened another rally back on his home turf in Batu Buruk, Terengganu. Perhaps stung by his relegation to hanger-on last Saturday, what with his party having done so much for the two Bersih rallies, Hadi seemed bent on reclaiming ownership of the issue.

(His apparent desire to make a Waterloo or Valley Forge of Batu Buruk shows that Hadi either lacks irony or is richly endowed with it -- the place couldn't be more appropriately named.)

One understands his frustration. The rally at Istana Negara was a spaghetti bowl of causes. Bersih comprised 67 NGOs, plus the political opposition. Not much could define a single cause that could rope together advocates of everything from theocracy to gay rights. Given how far from the centre all extremes fall in this country, "electoral reform" was just about the only thing that fit the bill.

What really united the protesters was their unhappiness with the Establishment. "It's not about changing individuals any more," said a friend I met watching the rally. "It's about changing the system."

I disagreed. I believed humanity constructs its institutions on our highest aspirations expressly in order to protect us from our basest natures. The system was neutral. What mattered was how it was operated and for what purpose -- not even by whom.

In that sense, though, my friend was right: it wasn't about changing individuals. The record is replete with instances of individuals, whatever their strengths and weaknesses, being subsumed by the system and rendered helpless before its bidding, regardless of their own will or intentions.

The system can be a corral of sacred cows, hobbled by myth and convention. The system can demand compliance and obeisance from even its most radical or idealistic components, writing the script and prescribing the rituals they defy at the peril of their prospects.

As such, the idea of simple human decency redeeming the loss of faith in our judiciary, civil service, legislature, police force and electoral process is, well, quaint. The honest judge or good cop is an anathema to the reformist impulse. "The police are a hundred per cent corrupt," said my friend, flat out.

That seemed unfair. Former inspector-general of police Tun Hanif Omar had only said 40 per cent. But if witnessing corruption turns a witness into an accomplice, then my friend could be right. The other 60 per cent would have to be held guilty of complicity, and corrupt by association.

I could sympathise, therefore, with his insistence on "changing the system". That's where he and the rally made perfect sense: Why respect a system you want to change? So my only question to him was: Change to what?

What do these protesters want to see arise from the ashes of what they deplore? A republic? An Islamic state? A confederated monarchy of hereditary rulers? Or would an alternative government comprising the present opposition and its civil-society sponsors suffice? If so, say so. This needs to be much more clearly articulated than in simple sloganeering for justice, integrity, transparency and changing the system.

History has posted a health warning on the intoxicating elixir of "People Power". When a revolution fuelled on this juice succeeds, the ensuing realities are never as righteously thrilling. People Power is a heady rush but, as with all addictive substances, it's a fix with a crushingly depressive comedown, curable only by another hit.

Thus has it been with the Philippines, 21 years and four chief executives since the Marcoses were hounded out of Malacanang and dazed pedestrians wandered around the presidential palace pilfering towels and Imelda's left-over shoes.

This is not to disparage our neighbour. The Philippines today boasts a ferocious democracy, crusading media and a passionate civil society, and remains a sovereign member in good standing of the global community of nations and a valued contributor to their workforces.

But is that what our reformists want? If so, no one's saying so. "Clean Elections", "Judicial Reform" or "Burn Baby Burn" all lack the specificity that would help the rest of us know exactly what they're selling. What exactly do they see as a better future for all? Where would they take us? What's the end they have in view?

Respice finem.

Malaysia's anti-democracy

Jakarta Post (13/11/2007): The Malaysian government's clampdown on Saturday's rally in Kuala Lumpur is predictable as far as the political constellation in place in the country is concerned.
Malaysia is still attempting to secure socio-political stability in the multi-ethnic society it badly requires to build a strong and prosperous country, as outlined in its Vision 2020. Despite his squabbling with Mahathir Mohamad, Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi and his predecessor share much in common, notably when it comes to stability.

Mahathir is an avid critic of democracy, as well as the West, but Malaysia, particularly the dominant Malay ethnic group, and Badawi owe him a lot for laying the foundation for the country's economic viability during his 20 years in power. Under Mahathir, Malaysia survived the financial crisis that swept across Asia in the late 1990s.

Malaysia is taking the popular model of development that puts democracy behind economic growth and all the conditions needed to turn the economic wheel, in particular political stability. The efficacy of development sans democracy has been visible in South Korea, Indonesia under Soeharto and China, to name just a few examples.

That Badawi defended the use of tear gas and water cannons to disperse the weekend protest for electoral reform clearly explains that post-Mahathir Malaysia, to a large extent, is not making a break with the past. Mahathir's legacy is too precious an asset for Badawi to afford to lose.

While no local media covered the rally, foreign news services reported that 300,000 people attended the event, making it the biggest rally in the country since 1998 and the arrest of fired deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim.

Police said they detained 245 people who were among the crowd marching to the royal palace to hand over a letter calling for clean and fair elections.

The fact that local media exercised self-censorship in response to the rally only underlines the long-standing paradox of Malaysia, where publications are free to live without press freedom.

By any conventional standard, Malaysia remains a quasi-democracy despite the bicameral parliamentary system that has prevented an absolute monarchy from reigning.

The country maintains the draconian Internal Security Act and Official Secrets Act, which have continued to haunt the opposition or those who differ with the government, including the press.

Following the heavy handling of Saturday's protest, nobody can guarantee that the Badawi administration will not be tempted to enforce these acts to crack down on government critics and the opposition and further silence the media. The world is watching closely whether Badawi will seek another Ibrahim to be sacrificed to keep Malaysia free from noisy criticism.

While Badawi may have every reason to stifle the critics for the sake of stability, he must take into account the changing world, where sooner or later no government will be able to resist public aspirations.

Indeed, democracy has not fully taken root in the region, but it is growing fast thanks in part to the revolution in information technology. Malaysia can ban criticism against the government, but the question is for how long.

Democracy, human rights and press freedom are the keys to success in today's world. Unfortunately, Malaysia, as well as other developing nations, is afraid to give this recipe a try.

Malaysian cops fire tear gas as thousands demand electoral reforms

The Nation (10/11/2007): Malaysian police on Saturday fired tear gas and water cannons to disperse tens of thousands of demonstrators who gathered in the capital city of Kuala Lumpur to rally for fair elections in the country's largest anti-government protest in almost 10 years.

Despite the pouring rain and heavy police presence, more than 10,000 people gathered early Saturday at several different locations in the city centre and marched their way to the royal palace to hand in a memorandum appealing for royal intervention in the coming elections, which is not due until 2009 but is widely expected to be held before the end of the year.

Shouting "Long Live the king" and "Save Malaysia," the protestors, who donned yellow as a sign of support for royalty, waited outside the palace gates until the king's secretary received the memorandum from president of the opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia, Abdul Hadi Awang.

Just minutes earlier and several kilometres away, police fired tear gas and water cannons at several thousand people gathered at the Jamek Mosque in the city centre after they ignored warnings to disperse.

Police say the gathering and march were illegal, as the organisers failed to get a permit which is required in Malaysia for any public gathering involving more than five people.

However, rights groups have slammed the police and the government for not issuing the permit, saying that the people's freedom of expression was being stifled.

The reasons given by the police were that the massive protests would inconvenience motorists and that the demonstrations were a hazard to public safety.

"We will be no different from Myanmar and Pakistan," said Lim Guan Eng, the Secretary-General of the opposition Democratic Action Party. "It is paranoia to the stage of hysteria," he said, referring to the massive police presence, including riot officers and helicopters.

The purpose of Saturday's demonstrations is to call for the removal of "phantom voters" or bogus names from electoral rolls, a crackdown on government workers using absentee ballots, and access to state-controlled media for all political parties.

"We are here to make our voice heard, that we want fair and free elections for this land," said Joshua Chin, a lawyer and member of the country's Bar Council.

"Our calls for a fair election have in the past fallen on deaf ears, and so now, we seek the king himself to ensure that the Election Commission does its job right," said Chin, who was one of hundreds of lawyers who joined in the march.

"We hope that as the king looks out of the palace and sees this sea of yellow, he will realise we are crying out to him to bring justice to a system gone wrong."

Earlier in the week, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi urged organisers to call off the protests, saying that "democracy through street demonstrations" could not be accepted.

Saturday's public gathering is the largest the country has seen in almost 10 years.

In September 1998, more than 10,000 people took to the streets after then deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim was sacked and subsequently jailed by former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, on charges of corruption and sexual misconduct.

Anwar subsequently formed a political party, which was one of the 70 organisers of Saturday's demonstrations.

Activists say Malaysian elections are generally tilted in favour of the ruling National Front coalition, due to the redrawing of constituencies to weed out known opposition supporters. There are also frequent allegations of vote-buying, election commission bias and the use of public funds and the media by the ruling parties.

The National Front has been in power since Malaysia's independence in 1952 from the British.

Teargas used on rare Malaysia demo

CNN (10/11/2007): The largest political protest in nearly a decade erupted in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur, Saturday with riot police aiming water hoses and tear gas at thousands of protesters gathered to demand electoral reform.

Tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets of Kuala Lumpur to demand electoral reform.

Opposition parties and civic groups demonstrated against alleged fraudulent activity in the electoral process and demanded an overhaul of Malaysia's electoral commission ahead of general elections widely expected for early next year.

Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi had vowed to suppress the demonstration, and on Saturday police had erected roadblocks and ramped up security in an attempt to close down the city's center.

Nevertheless, in defiance of a government ban, between 30,000 and 40,000 demonstrators massed outside the royal palace in Kuala Lumpar, according to media reports. Opposition group leader and former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim put the number much higher, claiming more than 100,000 people had gathered in the streets.

One witness said police fired tear gas and jets of "chemically-laced water" at hundreds of demonstrators who sought refuge in the city's Jamek mosque and in commercial buildings.

"Squads of police are chasing hundreds of protesters along alleys and on the city streets," the witness said, speaking on condition of anonymity. He said blockades had been set up around the city to hem in demonstrators.

Photos of the crackdown showed protesters dressed in yellow t-shirts and head scarves shielding their heads as water from cannons blasted down on them.

New York-based Human Rights Watch slammed the rally ban and urged the government to support free speech ahead of elections expected to be called early next year.

"If Malaysia wants to count itself a democracy, it can begin by upholding constitutional guarantees of free speech and assembly. The way the system works now, only the ruling coalition can get its messages out," it said.

Human Rights Watch said Malaysian elections have been sullied by vote-buying, the use of public resources by the ruling parties and accusations of bias against the Election Commission.

Malaysia has had only one party in power since 1957.

Speaking to CNN after briefly addressing the opposition-backed rally, Anwar said "we are demanding that the (election) process be cleansed. There are no such thing as fair elections in Malaysia at the moment."

He said a memorandum detailing allegations of corruption by the commission had been handed to Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin, Malaysia's constitutional monarch.

Malaysian law stipulates the sultan must give his royal assent to the commission after it has been appointed by the government.

Opposition party leaders, including Anwar, called the mass meeting to protest alleged fraudulent activity in the electoral process.

"This was an attempt to threaten the people. But I am very proud that Malaysians were not intimidated and turned out in such great numbers and that they behaved peacefully," Anwar said.

Anwar was heir apparent to former premier Mahathir Mohamad until 1998, when he was sacked and charged for corruption and sodomy.

The sodomy conviction was overturned, but the corruption verdict was never lifted, barring him from running for political post until next year.

Malaysians demand electoral reforms

Central Chronicle (11/10/2007): Malaysian police detained 245 people after firing tear gas and water canon to disperse thousands of people demanding electoral reforms in the biggest political street protest in nearly a decade, police said Sunday.

The detainees were released after providing statements but could later be charged and face up to a year in jail if convicted for taking part in the illegal assembly, a police spokesman told The Associated Press.

``We are still investigating but they have all been freed on bail,'' said the spokesman, who declined to be named citing policy.

Thousands of people defied a government ban against the rally Saturday in downtown Kuala Lumpur but were scattered as police fired tear gas and water canon near the Merdeka (Independence) Square where they had gathered.

The crowd, many wearing yellow T-shirts, later regrouped and marched to the royal palace in a procession more than 300 meters (yards) long, shouting ``Save Malaysia'' and ``Long Live the People.'' Yellow is the color of Malaysian royalty.

Protesters presented a memorandum to a representative of the king, urging him to intervene to ensure the election system is revamped ahead of general elections widely expected for early next year.

``This is our right. Our rulers are so proud of our democracy but in fact our democracy is worse than Burma, worse than Bangladesh,'' said Rosli, a 40-year-old government worker. ``We just want to correct what is wrong. We just ask for fair elections.''

National police chief Musa Hassan was quoted as saying by the Sunday Star newspaper that authorities exercised restraint but were forced to fire tear gas and water cannon after protesters refused to disperse.

He put the crowd size at about 4,000 people, but rally organizers estimated at least 30,000.

It was the biggest political demonstration in Malaysia since supporters of former deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim took to the streets for several days in September 1998 to protest his dismissal from the Cabinet and ruling party by then-leader Mahathir Mohamad.

Anwar subsequently formed the People's Justice Party, one of three opposition parties involved in Saturday's demonstration. ``It is a good signal that Malaysians want freedom and democracy, and they want free and fair elections,'' he said.

Anwar has called for further street protests until reforms are implemented. But Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak warned the government wouldn't tolerate illegal assembly.

The rally was organized by some 70 non-governmental organizations and opposition parties, which demanded the removal of phantom voters from electoral rolls, a crackdown on government workers using absentee ballots, access to state-controlled media by all political parties, and an end to vote-buying and other irregularities.

The Election Commission has agreed to another demand that voters daub a finger with indelible ink to prevent them casting more than one vote.

Malaysia police break up protest

BBC (10/11/2007): Malaysian police have used tear gas and water cannon to disperse thousands of protesters who were marching in Kuala Lumpur to demand electoral reform.

The event was organised by a group called Bersih which is made up of opposition parties and dozens of non-governmental organisations.

The marchers were prevented from entering central Merdeka Square because police said they did not have a permit.

Police estimated the crowd at between 10-30,000 people.

Rising tension

Heavy rains could not stop the marchers as they made their way along the roads on the side of Merdeka Square.

Many of them were in the yellow shirts which organisers had asked them to wear.

They were calling for changes to the electoral process in Malaysia to prevent fraud.

One demand is to use indelible ink to show who has voted.

Tension had been rising over the past few days with the prospect of violent confrontation at the march.

Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi said on Friday that he expected trouble, despite the police ban.

But participants told the BBC they had the democratic right to express their demands.

"We don't have to wait until election day, that's five years or more," one demonstrator told the BBC.

There was a heavy police presence and rally organisers said 20 people were arrested.

Although no one made it into the central square, a small group did march to the national palace, home of Malaysia's king, to present a memorandum detailing their concerns.